Photo: UNMISS/Nektarios Markogiannis
For the second installment of our ‘mind the mode’ series, we’re taking you to Juba, South Sudan, where we previously conducted a mode experiment. What we wanted to see was how food security indicators compare when data is collected face-to-face and through operators over the phone.
South Sudan is a complex setting for mobile surveys to begin with. The country has low cell phone penetration- it’s estimated to be only 20%. Network quality is a problem, often calls don’t go through or audio is poor. Last, but not least, the country has been extremely unstable. While we have been using key informant phone interviews to date, we are investigating the feasibility of conducting phone surveys to collect household food security indicators. Given the complexities, starting with a test to evaluate biases related to survey mode seemed prudent.
The mode experiment took place in “POC 3”, a Protection of Civilians (POC) camp in Juba near the main UN compound. POC 3 is the largest of three camps at the UN House site in Juba, with an estimated population of 20,000 people, according to the International Organization for Migration. People in the POC are there in search of protection against the violence and conflict that South Sudan has been experiencing. We’re hoping to use mobile phones to monitor food security indicators in POC communities. POC 3 happens to have good cell phone coverage – a 2014 survey estimated that some 70% of households in the camp had access to a phone.
Photo: WFP/Silvia Passeri
We evaluated how mode effects the Food Consumption Score (FCS), which measures the frequency of consumption of different food groups consumed by a household during the 7 days before the survey. A higher score means a better level of the respondent’s household food security. The FCS is a commonly used proxy for household food security.
We carried out two rounds of data collection, round 1 in March and round 2 in May 2016. In round 1, half of the respondents received a voice call survey and the other half participated in an identical interview face-to-face. The ‘treatment’ (voice call) was random. In round 2, some of the respondents that received a voice call took the exact same survey face-to-face, and vice versa.
There were challenges relating to security in the POC and some of the respondents from March were not found in the camp when we conducted the second round in May. As a result, we had 132 voice and 333 face-to-face interviews in round one, but 138 voice and only 117 face-to-face surveys in round 2. This sample size is smaller than we would have liked, but we think it’s indicative enough to tell us how responding to a phone survey differs from one that took place face-to-face.
Calls were placed by operators that were ‘converted’ enumerators – field monitors who usually carry out WFP’s post-distribution monitoring but were new to phone-based surveys. This meant that they were already familiar with the food security indicators and the camp community, but needed training on the protocol for phone-based surveys.
We observed substantial mode effects in round 1. We obtained a mean FCS of 34 via face-to-face surveys, but a much higher score of 45 through voice calls. Our regression analysis shows that mode alone accounted for 7 points in the difference in a household’s response (p<0.01), with other factors accounting for the remainder of the difference. This means that a voice survey would inflate the FCS by 20%, leading to a gross underestimation of the severity of food insecurity in the population of interest. During round 1, the voice FCS question behaved as an almost binary variable – we would get 1s and 7s, but very few 2,3,4,5 answers. That means a lot of people said they ate a given food item one day or every day, but that very few other answers were being recorded.
FCS results, round 1
In round 2, the difference between voice calls and face to face surveys diminished substantially. Also, the difference was not statistically significant. In fact, the slight remaining difference between the two groups was due to respondent households’ socio economic profile, not because of the mode we used to collect data.
FCS results, round 2
For the food consumption score, the differences between voice and face-to-face due to the mode effect were large in round 1, but vanished in round 2. This is a positive finding for us as we are seeking to rigorously test and validate the data collected through mobile and reporting on the results with some degree of confidence. We want to highlight a few lessons here that could help guide others into the right direction.
Lesson 1: Practice makes perfect. We suspect that the poor quality of the data collected in round 1 is due to our call center being brand new, and experiencing ‘teething’ problems. When an in-house call center is first set up, it tends to be small scale comprising of one or two operators. With resources permitting (and provided there is increased information needs) the call center may be expanded with additional operators who will receive regular training and coaching. Our analysts have been saying anecdotally that data quality improves as time goes by and the system becomes more established. We have a good illustration of the phenomenon here in South Sudan.
Lesson 2: Close supervision is required! Although our operators were familiar with data collection, it took time to train them to implement surveys by phone with quality. This again shows that operator selection, training, and supervision are key to obtaining good quality data.
Lesson 3: Work with professional call centers. Overall, this encourages us to continue working with professional call centers when possible, and avoid the temptation to do things in-house in a hurry – something that can be all too tempting in an emergency setting.
We also think the method used in South Sudan could be applied elsewhere to help evaluate mode effects. We will post the survey design on the mVAM Resource Center for others to use.